By Samuel David Epstein, Erich M. Groat, Ruriko Kawashima, Hisatsugu Kitahara
A basic proposal in all syntactic theories is that of a syntactic relation among syntactic gadgets. whereas fresh paintings within the Minimalist Framework has tried to provide an explanation for the character of syntactic gadgets when it comes to basic and conceptually worthwhile assumptions in regards to the language college, the kinfolk that carry among syntactic items has no longer been equally explored. The authors start up such an exploration and argue that yes basic family members similar to c-command, dominance, and checking family members will be defined inside a derivational method of structure-building.This technique has major effects about the structure of the syntactic part. Semantic and phonological interpretation don't need to function upon the output phrase-structure illustration created via the syntactic derivation. Interpretation is extra with no trouble computed derivationally, by means of examining the stairs of a derivation, instead of the one output constitution created via it. the result's a brand new and debatable level-free version of the syntactic section of the human language school. This topical and well timed Minimalist research will curiosity specialist and theoretical linguists, syntacticians, and an individual attracted to modern methods to syntactic idea.
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Extra info for A Derivational Approach to Syntactic Relations
Merge and Move (Chomsky 1993, 1994) are at least partly unifiable (as proposed in Kitahara, 1994, 1995, 1997; Groat 1995 a, 1997) in that each pair (= Concatenate) exactly two categories, "A" and "B", rendering them sisters immediately dominated by the same (projected) mother "C" (where C = the head of A or of B (Chomsky 1994, 1995)). b. 1 Crucially, what the universalized transformational rales Merge and Move each do, by hypothesis, is establish a syntactic relation between two concatenated syntactic categories A and B by virtue of placing the two in the "is a" relation with C, the projected category.
Q: Why is it that in order for X to C-command Y, X must not dominate Y? A: If X dominates Y, X and Y were not paired by Merge or by Move. Thus we propose that pairing/concatenating X and Y, by application of the universal transformational rules Move and Merge, expresses syntactic relations such as C-command. We have, thus far, provided what we believe to be strong explanatory arguments for the derivational construal of C-command proposed here. However, since we have thus far sought only to deduce the empirical content of representational C-command, we have not provided any arguments that representational C-command is empirically inadequate.
Unlike (12a), (12b) can yield two distinct LF representations, depending on whether the introduction of the relative clause is cyclic or noncyclic. Let us examine the relevant aspects of these two derivations of (12b). Suppose that the relative clause is introduced into the derivation cyclically. Then CHL constructs the following intermediate structure: (16) [which claim [that John made]] was he willing to discuss t(which claim [that John made]) The structure in (16) is then converted to the following LF representation with minimization of the restriction in the operator position: (17) [which x] was he willing to discuss [x claim [that John made]] Given the LF representation (17), in which he C-commands John, Condition C interprets John as disjoint from he.
A Derivational Approach to Syntactic Relations by Samuel David Epstein, Erich M. Groat, Ruriko Kawashima, Hisatsugu Kitahara